Building Peace After Armed Conflict in Bosnia

Building Peace After Armed Conflict in Bosnia Provide a critical assessment of international efforts to build peace after armed conflict in Bosnia The Bosnian War broke out in March 1992, and persisted virulently along ethnic lines until the signature of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina on December 14, 1995. Also known as the Dayton Accords, the peace treaty was arguably the international community’s [1] most substantial contribution to ending the armed conflict. Many observers and Bosnians assess the immediate goals of the Dayton Accords as successful: Bosnians are no longer at war, and NATO forces enforced peace with few casualties. [2] Yet, while the Dayton Accords ended the war, the structural framework that it set up perpetuates the confrontation that drove the conflict. Thus, durable peace remains elusive. This paper critically assesses the international community’s strategy to build peace in post-armed conflict Bosnia by analysing three main variables: policy, political economy, and security and rule-of-law. This paper can do justice in a brief analysis to the complex dyna mics and issues of post-war Bosnia. Nonetheless, it demonstrates that the need for cooperative, local peacebuilding ownership is dire, and Bosnia requires systemic reform to enable it. Bosnia and the international actors have made great strides in forming positive peace. To date, however, the international coalition has lacked the political will and foresight to address the conflict’s underlying issues, creating a status quo that is unsustainable in the long term. The Dayton Accords structured Bosnia as one state with two autonomous components: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the Republika Srpska (RS). [3] The Accords institutionalised dysfunction within the political system, creating a state with uncertain capacity and legitimacy that relies on international actors and institutions. [4] Bosnia’s problems during war consisted of massacre, rape, and ethnic cleansing; today, Bosnia must deal with lawlessness, corruption, and economic stagnation. Overcoming the latter issues is critical to social, political, and economic growth. Since the end of armed conflict in December 1995, the international coalition has been attempting to transform power in war-torn Bosnia to realize a prosperous future. An effective transformation simultaneously addresses political, political-economic, and security dynamics. [5] The international community approaches these variables disparately and therefore counterproductively, detrimentally affe cting social, political, and economic development. Transforming political power and promoting self-governance A political transformation entails channelling the competition for power through non-violent outlets, most simply manifested through free and fair elections and legitimate governance. [6] Competition in Bosnia is now focused non-violently through its political system, though this accomplishment is only a half-success. The Dayton Accords implemented a highly fractured political system that has led to a fragmented state; ethnic rivalries—relatively quiescent under Josip Tito’s Yugoslavian regime, but enflamed through the conflicts following its dissolution—are entrenched in every political decision. [7] Bosnia’s decentralised power sharing prevents violence, but it does not promote peace; it instigates political gridlock. While the decentralisation may have been necessary to frame a successful peace agreement, the systemic dysfunction was not a necessary outcome of the armed conflict. Rather, it is (at least in part) a result of rushed elections after Dayton , propped up by an inefficient electoral system. [8] This is in addition to a failure to support the creation of alternative political and social projects in civil society, which exists isolated from Bosnia’s socio-political context. [9] The international coalition hoped that the Dayton Accords would lead to a political and social system that would help Bosnians develop a shared Bosnian identity. [10] The Accord had the opposite effect. In order to secure Bosnian-Serb support during peace talks, the negotiators agreed to establish a weak central government that would lack authority over ethnically based entities. Bosnia separated into two autonomous regions with 13 overlapping constitutions, officially dividing Bosnians into three separate ethnic groups. [11] After concluding negotiations, the international community rushed elections with a counter-productive electoral system. Rather than encourage compromise across divisions, the system reinforced ethnocentrism and the power of obstinate, nationalistic leaders. [12] Voters consistently cast ballots along ethnic lines, and the cumbersome political system masks corruption and incompetence once the leaders are in office. [13] The nationalists that entered office follow ing the Dayton Accords delayed institutional development that may have worked to unify the highly fractured society, out of fear of giving one party too much power. [14]This has become a pattern, with the main nationalist parties from Bosniak, Serb, and Croat factions maintaining control of the country’s three-seat presidency after elections in October 2014. [15] In the current system, no party has incentive to cooperate with another, and its decentralized nature allows one party to paralyze the frequently protracted negotiations that precede nearly every decision. [16] Political inaction has compelled the High Representative, with the power to force legislation and dismiss elected officials, to intervene multiple times. Meanwhile, doing so stymies democratic development toward a self-governing state independent of any international administrator. [17] The constitutional structure requires reform, though change proves to be difficult. To its credit, the international community has recognized this. However, diverse packages of carrots and sticks to incentivize economic and political progressincluding prospective European Union membership and sanctions, respectively proved ineffective. Even using these potent weapons, it has not been possible to force amendments to the constitution, says Matthew Parish, a former legal advisor to the international supervisor of Bosnias Brcko Districtks. [18] Nonetheless, the European Union and NATO continue to dangle membership prospects in front of the Bosnian government in hopes of encouraging reform. Any reform to improve the political system would likely strengthen the central government, thereby weakening the RS. This is the impasse between BiH and the RS. The RS frequently threatens secession in response to centralisation efforts. [19] There is no guarantee that movement toward EU or NATO member ship would end the zero-sum relationship between the RS and BiH. Instead, a strong civil society may be a viable method to resolve tensions between the two entities. The OSCE [20]has defined civil society in Bosnia as ‘the sum of public wills that act independently of the state without obstructing the state in carrying out its responsibilities’. [21]It is a space where civilian collectivization, through a diverse set of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), counterbalances the state’s power and prevents it from dominating society. [22] Ideally, a strong and functioning civil society would generate tolerance, modernisation and social participation, emphasising local participation in peacebuilding. [23] Given this potential, the international community has exerted significant effort to cultivate a strong civil society. Despite its attempts, however, the international community’s extensive influence in the country undermines its efforts. International efforts to bolster civil society growth are more often associated with the quantity of NGOs rather than their quality, and Bosnian citizens see civil society building programs as discounting local history and social dynamics. [24] Further undercutting its significance, political officials are arguably more accountable to the international community than to their voters. The High Representative ultimately determines the course of Bosnia’s politics. ‘Thus, the expectation that local organizations will hold political leaders accountable is a fundamental illusion,’ and civil society will remain weak and insecure. [25] Bosnian politics—opaque, unaccountable, and corrupt—are consequentially unaccountable to civilians. [26] The constitutional structure, while preventing violence, maintains ethnic tensions and causes citizens to pragmatically adhere to ethnic politics in response to their perceived insecurity and lack of political participation . [27] A strong civil society is not an antidote for Bosnian politics’ ills, though it is vital for long-term democratic growth. [28] Presently, citizens’ insecurity and its isolation from the state provide it with little space to promote reconciliation and contribute to peace. Establishing security and the rule of law While it may not necessarily be causal, one of the most accurate predictors of whether or not a state will descend into civil war is whether it has already experienced one. [29] A vital factor to prevent resurgent conflict is to establish a secure environment which precludes militant factions from pursuing goals through violence. [30] It is equally important to secure this environment with an institutional capacity to maintain the rule of law and to exact justice. [31] The international community in Bosnia has prevented conflict relapse, though it has done so by institutionalising the conflict, maintaining tensions. Simply put, the international community has created an environment in which it is costlier to fight a war than it is to compete for power through politics. [32] While resurging war may not be a likely possibility, Bosnia is mired in corruption, organized crime, ethnic tension, and violence that prevents political, social, and economic development—maintaining a stat us quo between armed conflict and durable peace. This is partially a result of internationally mandated post-conflict amnesty laws, prolonged war-criminal prosecutions, and a failure to transform the wartime economy into a legitimate formal economy. The international community demanded the establishment of the Federal Amnesty Law to prevent political prosecution of returning refugees, draft dodgers, and soldiers ‘charged with a crime, other than serious violation of international humanitarian law.’ [33] The international community intended to provide Bosnian citizens security whilst they rebuild their lives following the conflict. A number of Bosnian politicians and elites took advantage of the amnesty laws to include crimes like illegal commerce, tax evasion, and illegal use of humanitarian aid, and they expanded the time the amnesty covered to include January 1991. [34] These pardoned offenses may have provided relief to a number of soldiers that had committed regular wartime acts in line with the terms of the Amnesty Law. However, the expanded time-period also provided cover for corrupt officials’ crimes more than a year prior to the war. Amnesty laws forced prosecutors to drop pending investigations and i ndictments for politicians in the main nationalist parties, allowing them to continue to compete for power after the war. International actors sought prosecution for the alleged criminals that the Amnesty Law did not excuse. Chief among these prosecutions was that of the leaders of the warring factions for committing crimes against humanity, including genocide. As the international community saw was necessary following the Second World War, the Rwandan Genocide, and East Timor, justice is often requisite to attain durable peace. [35] The international community lacked the political will after the Dayton Accords to pursue war criminals for arrest, despite indicting them for their acts. The United States, for one, NATO’s member with the greatest capacity for force, refused to risk another Somalia-like war criminal hunt. The international tribunal had to rely on its member states to extradite the alleged criminals. This proved ineffective until the early 2000s: the international community was unwilling to take meaningful action to hasten or force extradition, and the states where war criminals resid ed were either unwilling or incapable of pursuing them. [36] Nearly twenty years after the war’s end, Ratko MladiĆ¡, Radovan KaradÃ…Â ¾iĆ¡, Goran HadÃ…Â ¾iĆ¡, and Vojislav Ã…  eÃ… ¡eljfour of the conflict’s most notorious war criminalsremain on trial. While 141 proceedings of the 161 indicted criminals have concluded, many critics state that the international tribunal has taken far too long to bring the accused to trial, and that those who have been found guilty have received lenient sentences. [37] This perceived lack of justice prevents closure, and perpetuates the doctrine of collective guilt over individual responsibility for atrocities. As a 2013 UN poll demonstrated, Bosnians must reconcile their past before they embrace their future. [38] The international community’s role in this has so far been mixed: the atmosphere of impunity is now over, though the results have been demonstrably underwhelming. [39] Bosnia’s unreformed political economy The World Bank estimates that Bosnia’s shadow economy composes X percent of its GDP. [40] The formal, legitimate economy remains highly dependent on external support, and founders in comparison to the underground market. The Dayton Accords catalysed an internationally led privatisation effort that led to rent-seeking and corruption; organized crime is woven tightly through the public and private sectors. Consequentially, the current situation in Bosnia is rife with contradicting relationships: the shadow economy complicates peacebuilding and international efforts, though international intervention has fuelled organized crime; moreover, while the clandestine economy frustrates reconstruction, citizens depend on it for survivalthe formal economy cannot support them. [41] The international community imposed an arms embargo on Bosnia in September 1991. The Bosnian-Serbs were better positioned geographically and financially to circumvent the embargo, and armed themselves through relatively accessible smuggling channels. [42] The Bosnian faction relied on international actors and, despite the United States’ tacit refusal to enforce the embargo and Iran’s assistance, was unable to obtain much more than small arms. At the start of the war, the Bosnian-Serbs possessed far superior artillery and firepower, outgunning the Bosnians nine to one. [43] Partially because of the military imbalance, the Bosnian-Serb forces were able to stage the longest siege in modern history on Sarajevo. Supplemented by the UN’s massive humanitarian relief aid effort, the Bosnians survived the siege through its reliance on diverse and ubiquitous smuggling networks—which the international community supported, often directly. [44] People most connected to the underground economy allowed the war economy, and thus the people, to survive. Throughout each side of the conflict, the newly enriched criminal elite formed ties with political leaders that persisted after the conflict. The international community has largely ignored a key correlation, and has thus failed to create a gainful, legitimate political economy: ‘The more criminalised the conflict, the more criminalised the state, economy, and society that emerge†¦criminal capital accumulated during a criminalized war has been converted to political [and economic] capital after the war.’ [45] `International finance institutions, particularly the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, mandated widespread privatisation. Bosnia, especially immediately after the Dayton Accords, lacked coherent regulatory institutions to manage market liberalisation and fair economic competition (Paris 2004). The international actors approached liberalisation before institutionalisation. Despite international oversight, this led war-time criminal elite to co-opt privatisation and deregulation. Corruption and botched privatisation efforts are in part responsible for today’s 44.5 percent unemployment rate (60 percent for 15-to-24-year-olds) and a $545/ month average wage. [46] Ostensibly, this partly caused protests in February 2014 across 30 cities throughout BiH and calls for the government’s wholesale resignation. [47] Bosnia’s post-Dayton political system facilitates this corruption through its radical decentralisation and weak regulation, failing to dismantle t he criminalized war-time economy. Bosnia’s future and the international intervention The international community’s direct intervention, in seeking to end the conflict swiftly, entrenched the confrontation in a top-down, zero-sum political system that lacks local legitimacy. If politicians adhere to international mandates, they risk alienating citizens. Local ownership, in its current form, would therefore limit external assistance. One possible remedy is to convert Bosnia to a welfare state. The international finance agencies have so far focused on establishing an environment conducive to private business. Privatisation, however, has returned few positive results. Massive, state-driven job creation could give citizens a stake in the government and spur economic development that private sector oligarchs are unwilling to approach. However, the state lacks the coherence and self-regulation to work across ethnic groups; it would require reform before taking such action, and if history is any indicator, opposing parties are likely to block any changes. Nonetheless, the international community’s neoliberal, one-size-fits-all approach may not be suitable to Bosnian economic development. Bosnia faces a number of structural challenges that limit development. While it has managed to transform the competition for power through political channels, it maintains an insecure atmosphere in which Bosnians cannot hold their state accountable. In order to become more centralisedand therefore more efficientthe RS would necessarily relinquish power to the Bosniak majority. This is zero-sum dynamic that the Bosnian-Serbs find threatening. Reflecting on past tensions, they fear tyranny of the majority. Proponents of NATO and EU membership aver that membership would relieve the Bosnian factions of the fear that prevents constitutional reform. While EU membership would require the reform that it would ultimately allow, NATO membership requires less and is a relatively achievable future. [48] Nonetheless, NATO’s security guarantee does not necessarily extend to intrastate conflict. It is highly likely that NATO would intervene much swifter in a resurgent conflict in order to pr event a Srebrenica massacre redux, but that is already the case. Membership would provide measures to prevent the RS from seceding, but only to an extent; after all, this did not stop Scotland’s 2014 attempt at secession. International peacebuilding has so far provided Bosnians with security from armed conflict, though it has maintained an otherwise politically and economically insecure state. The ethnically divided country requires reform—that much is evident. While the international community is partially responsible for state’s dysfunctional structure, this does mean it should disengage from the country. On the contrary, the dysfunction has created a situation in which Bosnia is entirely dependent on international actors—disengagement could prove cataclysmic. Rather, the international community must change its strategy. Until it does, the international community must maintain a dysfunctional state, otherwise doomed to languish under ineffective domesti c leadership and international stewardship. [1] See Appendix A for a list of international actors [2] Hendrickson, Ryan. 2005. ‘History Crossing the Rubicon’. NATO Review. NATO. http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2005/issue3/english/history.html#top. [3] ‘Peace Support Operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina’. 2014. NATO. NATO. November 11. http://www.nato.int/cps/fr/natohq/topics_52122.htm?selectedLocale=en. [4] Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit States of Conflict: A case Study on Peace-Building in Bosnia-Herzegovina [5] Hawley, Leanard. 2007. Keynote Presentation: Policy and Strategies for International Intervention. The Cornwallis Group XII: Analysis for Multi-Agency Support. [6] Hawley, Keynote Presentation [7] Toal, Gerard, and Carl Dahlman. 2011. Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and Its Reversal. Oxford University Press. [8] Roland, Paris. 2010. Saving liberal peacebuilding. Review of International Studies, 36, pp337-365. [9] Belloni, Robert. 2001. ‘Civil Society and Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina’. Journal of Peace Research 38(2). [10] Silber, Laura. 2005. ‘Dayton, 10 Years After’. The New York Times, November 5. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/21/opinion/21Silber.html?pagewanted=print_r=0. [11]Silber, Laura, and Allan Little. 1998. Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. United States: TV Books Inc. [12] Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit. 2009. Institute for Public Policy Research. [13] idib [14] idib [15] Staff. 2014. ‘Divided Nationalists Win Bosnia Elections’. Al Jazeera, October 13. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2014/10/divided-nationalists-win-bosnia-elections-2014101314183747199.html. [16] Bennett, Christopher. 2010. Bosnia’s Paralysed Peace. United Kingdom: C Hurst Co Publishers Ltd. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/21/opinion/21Silber.html?pagewanted=2_r=2sq=dayton peace accordsst=nytscp=4 [17] Chandler, David. 2007. ‘The High Representative for Bosnia Still Runs It like a Feudal Fiefdom’. The Guardian, November 20. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/nov/20/russia.eu. [18] Salem, Harriet. 2014. ‘Bosnia Burning’. Foreign Policy, November 2. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2014/02/11/bosnia_burning. [19] source [20] Define [21] Belloni osce 1998b:3 [22] Belloni, Ernest Hellner 1994:5 [23] Belloni [24] Belloni, Curran 1998:4 [25] Cite quote [26] Transparency international [27] Belloni [28] source [29] Collier, Paul and Anke Hoeffler. (2004) „Greed and Grievance in Civil Warà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¸, Oxford Economic Papers. [30] http://web.worldbank.org/archive/website01306/web/pdf/wdr background paper_walter_0.pdf [31] Secretary of defence [32] source [33] See for list of covered offenses: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Amnesty Laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 19 March 1998, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b33214.html [accessed 30 November 2014] [34] The Clandestine Political economy of war and peace in Bosnia [35] Judge Richard Holdstone, chief prosecutor of International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, has argued the same: http://www.ecfr.eu/ijp/case/israel_palestine#fn1 [36] Source [37] http://www.icty.org/sections/TheCases/KeyFiguresoftheCases [38] UN poll [39] Twenty Years of International Criminal Law: From the ICTY to the ICC and Beyond Theodor Meron and Fatou Bensouda Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law), Vol. 107, (April 2013), pp. 407-420 [40] World Bank [41] [42] Cigar 1995 [43] Source [44] Source [45] Source [46] [47] Source [48] Sou

Short Notes

â€Å"Two gentlemen of Verona† & â€Å"An Irish Rose† are the two heart touching stories written by A. J. Cronin. In an Irish Rose, the 14 year old Rose plays the central character of the story. She sacrifices her life to look after her baby brother who lost his mother when he was just one month old. In the â€Å"Two gentlemen of Verona † we find the touching story of Jacopo & Nicola ,two brothers aged 12 & 13 who do odd jobs and live a hard life themselves to sustain and treat their elder sister Lucia who is suffering from tuberculosis of spine.Both stories of A J Cronin are heart touching. In an analysis of the characters portrayed in both the works we can find certain similarities. As stated above we can see the characters themselves in a moral and sacrificial light wherein they are not thinking or living for themselves but for their respective siblings. If we go into the actual character portrayal too, we can find how the characters are dressed in rags to sav e even the smallest penny for their siblings comfort.They do not even eat or dress well lest they have to spend any money, which can be found to have a better use for their siblings. In the Irish Rose as well as the Two Gentlemen of Verona, we find that the author finds hope for a better future of the world after meeting Rose, Jacopo and Nicolo. Never thinking for themselves, all three of his characters have fought to better the lives of their loved ones in every way possible. In both the stories the plot is set in a rousing manner and giving a detailed and graphic expression till the climax.In the Irish Rose, the main character Rose Donegan has to earn for the family, buy milk for her youngest brother Michel. She had to cook, attend to the children and father. With a slum child’s elemental knowledge she had to do everything, even she would bargain the baker to extend her credit for an extra loaf. As in the case of the Two Gentlemen OF Verona, the writer himself becomes a cha racter in the plot of Irish Rose. Along with the writer the rest of the characters too play a significant role in the plot to finally bring out the actual sacrifice of the three children.In both the stories the importance given to the children’s attitude towards work, love and responsibility shows how important the said characters are in the view of the author too. Herein we find the hope for a better world when these children grow up rather than the war ravaged time frame in which the stories are set. It was W. B. Yeats who said that, â€Å"Too long a sacrifice can make a stone of the heart†. But through these stories Cronin has endeavored to prove Yeats wrong, as nicely as possible. He was also able to teach us the value of not running away from our responsibilities.

An Education in Liberal Arts

Liberal arts is a universal education that provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many subjects. Liberal arts can observe the capabilities as well as the limitations of each field of study. This allows students to find connections between different fields of study, to explore them, and to discover new theories and/or inventions. Liberal arts also allows students to investigate areas of interest and to make new ones by combining diverse subjects. A liberal arts education provides students with a broad spectrum of information enabling them to expand their knowledge and to advance society in a positive direction. It is imperative that a liberal arts posses the basic knowledge of the many fields. With this knowledge, students can combine different subjects to formulate new ideas and concepts. As in mixing colors, a new color can only be created by combining various colors. The same is true for liberal arts education, the resulting idea(s) and/or concept(s) is derived from the combination used to create it. A liberal arts education provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many fields allowing students to create new theories and inventions. With this foundation, there are endless possibilities that students can expand and build on what others have learned rather than wasting time on what has already been discovered. In order to illustrate, I'll use the example of the telephone. The telephone was an ingenious invention that was combined with the innovation of a free thinker, Alexander Graham Bell. Bell created the first working telephone and the impact of the telephone on society, over the past 100 years, is immeasurable. The result of the telephone revolutionized communication, advancing society to another level. Inventions that advance society, such as this, demonstrate the value of a liberal arts education. In years past, more and more scientists, from an array of various fields, have elaborated upon the basic telephone by inventing different components to be used along with the telephone such as the facsimile machine and computer modems which enable communication via the internet. In short, a liberal arts education provides students with a strong foundation of universal knowledge that allows them to think without restrictions or barriers. Liberal arts allow imaginative thoughts to develop freely. Such imaginative thoughts lead to discoveries and inventions which, in turn, advance society to higher levels. It is evident that a liberal arts education is one of society's tools for advancement in a positive direction.

The Social Construction of Gender and Sexuality Essay

According to Johnny Weir, â€Å"Masculinity is what you believe it to be... [it is] all by perception, [I believe] masculinity and femininity is something that is very old-fashioned... [there is a] whole new generation of people who aren’t defined by their race or their sex or who they like to sleep with.† This statement exemplifies the definition of gender as a concept; gender is the expectations of a sex according to the culture of society. Sexuality, within this definition of gender, reflects society’s expectations, which are created in relation to the opposite sex. The variances between cultures means that gender expectations change within different cultures. These expectations put pressure on each member of society to conform and abide by†¦show more content†¦A member of society assumes gender roles as soon as he or she is born. The socialization of individuals forces he or she to identify with a specific gender and does not allow for the reality th at gender is an emotional issue that exists on a continuum, and many feel they fit somewhere between the two rigid cultural definitions of gender. Often times a child is introduced to many forms of masculinity or femininity (Gottleib, 175). Gender roles are introduced and enforced as soon as the sex of a child is determined (Gottleib, 168); boys begin a life of masculinity, with emphasis put on toughness and girls begin a life of femininity, with emphasis put on emotion and tenderness. Each sex is introduced to the gender roles expected for a certain identity to be maintained. The enforcement of gender roles in socialization is present cross culturally, as seen in â€Å"Life is Hard† by Roger Lancaster, children are taught the roles they are expected to perform before they are conscious of their own actions (Lancaster, 41). Critics believe, however, that when it comes to defining a person, gender alone does not describe the individual, for example, sexuality should be conside red as well (Gottleib, 176). Since gender is learned through cultural socialization, and it’s ability to be a continuum, sexuality of individuals is created by the expectations of gender and is, in ideally, built on a sliding scale, but in reality is just as restricting as theShow MoreRelatedThe Topic Of Sexuality1144 Words   |  5 PagesIntroduce the topic of sexuality (para)- Horrocks (1997) points out in his book that sexuality encircles multiple aspects of human existence. Sexuality is then, not a uniform or simple phenomenon and is influenced by the interaction of psychological, biological, social, cultural factors and many more. Horrocks (1997), suggests that to try and understand or explain a definitive conclusion about sexuality seems impossible as sexuality has different meanings to so many groups of people. IntroduceRead MoreSexuality As A Social Construct1486 Words   |  6 PagesHannah St. Lifer Sexuality as a Social Construct Heternormativity is the idea that there exist two distinctive classifications of the genders, males and females, with customary roles in society. The idea asserts that heterosexuality is the only normal sexual orientation of people and that all sexual and marital relations must abide by this norm. Society has adopted this belief and constructed it into a standard of life. It is normal for people to automatically presume that most other people are heterosexualRead MoreAnalysis Of Foucault And Queer Theory 1211 Words   |  5 PagesIn Foucault and Queer Theory Spargo defines queer theory as a nebulous group of cultural criticism and analysis of social power structures relating to sexuality . It is these power structures and aspects of culture that are responsible for the discourse that creates and informs ones understanding of gender, race, and sexuality. However these aspects of identity do not exist separately from one another, but are constructed in tandem throughout history. These layers of identity inform each otherRead MoreThe Body, Gender, And Sexuality964 Words   |  4 PagesAllise Sellers Unit 2 Reading Response The body, gender, and sexuality are intertwined concepts that have been simplified to a point that attempts to explain each of these characteristic constructs purely through biology. However, ignoring the social implications in various cultures takes away from the complex analysis these foundational human descriptors actually deserve. In the writings of R.W. Connell, Suzanne Kessler, S.E. Smith, Lisa Wade, Riki Wilchins, and Patricia Hill Collins, these authorsRead MoreThe Social Discrimination Of Women977 Words   |  4 PagesThe social discrimination that individuals face today was built on a foundation that men had created long ago. We are indeed very oblivious to the patriarchy and prejudice we are surrounded by because we are accustomed to what our parents and guardians believed in while growing up. Their ideologies are embedded into our brains thus leading us to unknowingly spread false information and make assumptions based off of those thoughts. A few examples would be the worldwide belief that men shouldn’t cryRead MoreGender And Gender Essay774 Words   |  4 PagesThe social constructionist viewpoint on gender and sexuality seems to be the one of the most plausible ways to study and examine the topics. Although biology no doubt has an impact on attraction, and quite possibly gender, society influences the choices of everyone, and whether a person realizes it or not, society shapes their identity. The structure of society and its norms influence everything a person does, including their gender and sexuality. Gender is already considered to be a social constructRead MoreThe Social Construction Of Heterosexuality1250 Words   |  5 Pagesnotions of gender roles portrayed by masculine and feminine traits, from section four of Composing Gender â€Å"How Do We Define Sexuality†? The idea that one individual can â€Å"feel† masculine or â€Å"feel† feminine does not make them a male or female. â€Å"Throughout Composing G ender, many readings refer to sexuality as an inevitable part of gender construction, several authors use the terms â€Å"heteronormative† and compulsory heterosexuality† to describe a social structure in which the expression of sexuality is seenRead MoreEssay about The Making of You as a Student1438 Words   |  6 Pages‘Conservative’ orientation, but with an undercurrent of ‘Liberal’. I believe this largely influenced my identity, and led to a specific construction of child (Jones, 2011). This essay will discuss how a predominantly ‘Conservative’ orientation unintentionally shaped my childhood and adolescence, affected my views and expectations of sex and gender, and formed my idea of sexuality. I attended a Co-Educational Catholic School in Moree, New South Wales. Being a student at a Catholic school in a Cotton-growingRead MoreHuman Nature : Gender System Is Established On A Basis Of Our Own Standards875 Words   |  4 PagesIn the U.S. the gender system is established on a basis of our own standards. â€Å"The paradox of human nature is that it is always a manifestation of cultural meanings, social relationships, and power politics; not biology, but culture, becomes destiny† (Lorber 117). We do not picture males and females based on their genitalia, but rather the way that people express their gender identity. No matter someone’s personal identification, the greater society will â€Å"do gender† and categorize them anyway. TheRead MoreAnalysis Of Allen Ginsberg s Howl And 1661 Words   |  7 PagesAllen Ginsberg was one of the greatest admired Beat Generation poets, who particularly used free flowing, aggressive and occasionally a discourteous style of language to show that the rule and social structure over heterosexuality can be filled with opposition, so he decided to release queerness. Ginsberg strongly disputed capitalism and conformity that notably consisted of sexual repression, so he incorporated in the development of counterculture and challenged the heteronormative, procreation-driven